The deepening of workers struggles against Foreign Capital in China; domestic Capitalists; and Stalinist Bureaucrats confirm is a degenerate workers' state and requires a Political Revolution which will have social consequences. If Capitalism had been restored in China the workers social weight would have rapidly declined with tens of millions being driven into lumpen conditions as it would have destroyed the productive forces which predominance of central planning has brought about.
Capitalist restoration would require a historic defeat for Chinese workers because to close down the majority of Chinese industries is necessary to run them on a profitable basis. When sections of the Bureuacracy made concessions to foreign capital during the mid-to-late 1980s millions of workers were laid off. This is why millions supported the 1989 student struggle for democratic rights at Tiananmen Square. Once the Bureaucracy had crushed the students and workers they slowed down redundancies in nationalised industries and moved more resources away from Capitalist firms. This was done to reduce revolutionary threats to their rule and reinforce those Bureaucrats who wanted more resources to nationalised industries/sectors. During 1994 sections of the Bureaucracy pulled back when workers stopped simlar redundancies attempted by state banks cutting back funds to nationalised industries. Imperialism for years has called for Chinese state owned banks to pull the plug on what they saw as unprofiitable industries.
The massive expansion of China's economy has created hundreds of millions of workers which will ultinately threaten Stalinism's contiuned rule by their revolutionary moves in direction of Political Revolution. Due to the Chinese workers' state going forward workers are feeling confident to challenge foreign capital. Workers want the same wages and conditions that exist in nationalised industries. Trotskyists support workers struggles against foreign capital. We raise our Transitional demands for these foreign owned enterprises to be nationalised under workers control.
Despite promising possibilities of Political Revolution beginning to break out in struggles against Stalinism within Eastern Europe during 1989 the concillationist Bureaucratic elements to Imperialism who utilised those upheavals to gain power demoralised the masses by increasing their pillage over them and began to allow Capitalist inroads. In East Germany the beginning of a move into the direction of Political Revolution was turned into a social counter-revolution destroying that workers' state through German reunification in 1990. According to Mandel there was more unemployment in ex-East Germany due to Capitalist restoration than there was in the early 1930s within Germany.
As Mandel argued that the key gains for workers in Eastern Europe was winning democratic rights which are essential to resis Bureaucratic pillage and Capitalist inroads. Trotsky has been vindicated when he wrote "The Revolution Betrayed" and "In Defence of Marxism" that the Stalinist Bureaucracies would during their implosion and decay lead to absolute chaos in Russia. This is what is still happening in Eastern Europe. Bureaucratic pillage and chaos is one thing, Capitalist restoration is a separate process. It is true there have been massive Capitalist inroads into Eastern Europe. That only exists due to being accepted by certain Stalinist Bureaucrats. Capitalist inroads have made Eastern Europe's crisis worse. Under the law of Uneven and Combined Developmen there can be elements of previous modes of production subordinate to Bureaucratic pillage. Only the Political Revolution can halt the decay of Eastern Europe. Russia has been slightly different from Eastern Europe during 2000 to 2008 because with moves back to investing more into nationalised industries/public services that economy started to recover. Even in Russia the Bureaucracy is torn apart by several warring factions who lead to chaos.
Trotskyists call for the Chinese factory committees to be extended across all industries and services. This begins a process of Political Revolution with social consequences because it deepens the struggles against foreign capital; domestic Capitalists; and Stalinist Bureaucrats. To deepen the struggle against Stalinism Trotskyists call for the factory committees to run the nationalised workplaces by kicking out the Bureaucrats. The next stage oof struggle is to fight for the workers and users of public services to set up committees to wage a struggle on every aspect of social life. These struggles by Chinese workers are part of a rise in world revolution.
June 9th 2010.
Friday 25 June 2010
Wednesday 2 June 2010
What Yeltsin represented and why did the Russian Bureaucracy remove him?
Campists who mostly turned into their opposite as Third Campists only predomiantly saw the Soviet Union as the only force preventing Imperialism from dominating the world. It is true the Soviet workers' state and Russsian workers' state since 1991 under Stalinism have assisted struggles by semi-Colonies and other workers' staes against Imperialism. One major mistake of the Campists is that they under-estimate struggles waged by semi-Colonial masses fighting against Imperialist exploitation or other workers' states against Imperialist attempts to restore Capitalism are autonmous struggles which are not totally determined by direct intervention by the Russian workers' state (positive or negative depending on Russian Bureaucracy's interests). Secondly the Campists play down the counter-revolutionary character of the Stalinist Bureaucraic Castes, and logically reject possibilities of fighting for Political Revoluion. Troskyists have no schema of world revolution has to come in any order within the Imperialist countries; semi-Colonies; and degenerated workers' states. We look to every possibiliy to deepen any revoluionary process in these three sectors of world revolution. Now the long detour of worlc revolution is coming to an end with world Capitalism combined with Stalinism being weakened will deepen radicalisations and revolutionary upheavels in all these three sectors of world revolution.
Once the Soviet Union broke up in 1991 Third Campism became the main problem for the left than Campism. Due to certain fears sections of the Russian Bureaucrats of mobilising millions (fearing they be overthrown at the same time by Political Revoluion) who opposed cubacks to their privileges, made worse by Capitalist inroads manourved by having a war of atrrition with the Yeltsinites for years. Yeltsin was a Stalinist in transiton. He reflected pressures to restore Capitalism but it would be wrong to call him an outright Capitalist restorationist because those Bureaucrats opposed to this course utilised their remaining power to threatern a coup or civil war if he went too far. There were Prime Ministers such as Yeger Gaidar (15th June 1992-14th December 1992) and Sergei Kinyenko (23rd March 1998-23rd August 1998) who were cerainly Capitalist restorationist lasted only five and six months each because they were removed for faster Privitisations which threatened certain Bureaucrats privileges. Those Bureaucrats opposed to Capitalist restoration did not remove Gaidar when he lifed state controls on prices which quickly led to hyper-inflation during 1992 but when he directly tried to remove certain Bureaucratic elements which was the only profitable way the predomiance of the Law of Value could be re-established.
Yeltsin sacked Viktor Chernmodrin on March 23rd 1998 after being Prime Minister for five years which reflected pressures to go further towards restoring Capitalism. Before he became Prime Minister Chernmodrin was chair of Gasprom (state owned oil and gas organisation) which is why those Bureaucrats opposed to Capitalist restoration kept him in that posiion in order to put more state investments in thir industries/organisations. Yeltsin was feeling the pressure of Capitalist elements who were attempting to gain the maxinum concessions knowing support was necessary by them to stay as President with opponent Bureaucrats trying to remove him. The Yeltsinites achieved a Pyrrhic Victory by sucessfully forcing Kinyenko's appoinment as Prime Minister through the duma (lower house of the Russian parliament) with those Bureaucrats opposed to this may have engineered a financial crisis which forced Yeltsin to suspend payment of IMF loan debts. This financial crisis forced intermediate Bureaucratic layers to break from the IMF influence and for more state resources to keep their privilges within the Stalinist caste. Once major Bureaucrats become pauperised because of that financial crisis they turned quickly against Imperialist agencies such as the IMF and backed those Stalinists who wanted more state-centred investments and resources. It was only to enrich themselves through pillage that certain Bureuacrats accepted IMF loans. Imperialism knew this but tolerated it because they utilised every opportunity to advance Capialist restoration in Russia. This is why after Yeltsin had to surrendor power to Bureaucrats who wanted to mainain the workers' state did Imperialism menion Yeltsin's corruption in October 1999. After Kiryenko was dismissed as Prime Minister Chermondrin and then Primikaov replaced him.
After the three day bombing of Iraq in 1998 and especially after NATO bombed Serbia during 1999 the Russian Bureaucracy started organsing more against Imperialism. Those Russian Bureaucrats who felt threatend by Imperialism's growing aggression forced Yeltsin to make an alliance with the Chinese workers' state in October-November 1999; smashed the Dagstanti separtists who attacked Russia; and re-established Russian rule over Chechnya. Primakov was forced on Yeltsin due to rise of one Stalinist faction wanting more socio-ecoomic resources for them in the workers' state, which is the materal base for their privilges. Primakov was fired on 12th May 2010 and replaced by Sergei Stepashin. He was fired due to allowing CP ministers draw up impeachment charges against President Yeltsin. It is said after the Russian Army seized Pristina Airport in June 1999 Yeltsin was not in office but had lost real power. The Russian Bureaucracy made that move at that airport because they were promised by Imperialist representives during secret negotitations at Dachas just outside Moscow they would have a say in Kosovo's future. Imperialism double crossed them by attempted exclusion. This process of Yeltsin losing power may have began with the August 1998 financial crisis. Putin replaced Stepashin on August 12th 1999 as Prime Minister becuase the Russian Bureaucracy felt that Stepashin was not fighting the Dagastani separtists sufficently. Putin moved to crush the Dagastani seperatists and re-establish Russian Bureaucratic control of Chechnya. The miltiary-industrial complex carried out a coup by forcing Yeltsin out as President on the last day of the second Millennium. It was timed to catch Imperialism by surprise. In the last few months it has been revealed that Yeltsin was under house arrest only allowed to leave there with the Kremlin's permission after he left as President on December 31st 1999 to he died during 2007. This is proof of the political coup with Putin becoming acting President after Yeltsin relinquished office.
There is undoubtedly national oppression by Russian Stalinism against the Chechnyan masses which Trotskyists oppose as part of our programme and strategy of Political Revolution. At the same time you cannot throw the baby out with the bathwater with defence of Russia as a workers' state. When the extreme Bureaucratic pillagers of Chcchyna's Bureaucracy and Islamic Fundamentalists deepened that society's crisis with increased ruins on all levels. From 1996 to the second Chechyan war which broke out in 1999 most of the finances allocated for schools; hospitals; and pensions came from Russia. This saved the Chechnyan Bureaucratic pillagers considerable sums of money. Since Russia has re-estabilshed their rule the physical ruins of buildings have been demolished with modern construction buildings and revival of their ecnonomy. This socio-economic development despite Stalinism strenghen forces which will eventually lead to their overthrow by Trotskyists leading a Political Revolution. Yeltsin lost the first Chechnyan war because of the Bureaucratic pillage which caused considerable poverty and unemployment. Even though he pledged to stop the dismemberment of Russia with launching that war during 1994 within Chechnya they did not trust him not to utilise it to undercut some of the Bureaucrats privliges by central government cutting spending and possibly deepening Capialist inroads. The Russian Bureaucrats partly launched the 1994 war in Chechyna because they were terrified of Tatarstan suceeding from Russia.
Putin moved quickly internationally to re-launch Russia as a major power by linking up with North Korea; India; and Latin America. Within monhs of gaining office he was driving powerful individial Capitalists out of Russia. Those sections of the Russian Bureauracy anxious about Imperialist encirclment felt betrayed by Putin allowing NATO especially American Imperialist bases in Central Asia after September 11th Individual Terrorist attacks on America. If it was not for the rapid decline of American Imperialism accelerated by their mistaken war on Iraq since 2003 the Russian Bureuacracy may have kicked him out as President due to him being unreliable in defending their interests. Russia's miltiary defeat of concillatonist elements within Georgia's Bureaucracy to Imperialism strenghened the confidence that Imperialism can be beat. This inspired some of the super-exploited by Imperialism to look for Rusia to back them up
The Russian Bureaucracy expropriated a Capitalist (Mikhail Khordorkavsky) who was the richest Russian and 16th most richest globally because he tried to own Sibneft, which had big reserves of oil, with Khordorkavsky offering massive stakes for Imperialist firms ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco. He was also trying to overthrow the Bureuacracy through organsing Bourgeois parties. Under Putin there were some social reforms such as more money going on nationalised services and public services (health; educaion; and welfare). At the same time he tried to reduce social security by monetising all social securiy subsudies which led to huge workers protests between 2005 and 2006. This rise in Bureaucratic pillage with economic growth falling has weakend Medvedov with the workers beginning to srike and elect Stalinist (CPRF) in local; regional; and national elections. There is a rise in world revolutions with upheavals in Thailand and Kyrgystan could deepen forces fighing for Political Revoluion in Russia.
Once the Soviet Union broke up in 1991 Third Campism became the main problem for the left than Campism. Due to certain fears sections of the Russian Bureaucrats of mobilising millions (fearing they be overthrown at the same time by Political Revoluion) who opposed cubacks to their privileges, made worse by Capitalist inroads manourved by having a war of atrrition with the Yeltsinites for years. Yeltsin was a Stalinist in transiton. He reflected pressures to restore Capitalism but it would be wrong to call him an outright Capitalist restorationist because those Bureaucrats opposed to this course utilised their remaining power to threatern a coup or civil war if he went too far. There were Prime Ministers such as Yeger Gaidar (15th June 1992-14th December 1992) and Sergei Kinyenko (23rd March 1998-23rd August 1998) who were cerainly Capitalist restorationist lasted only five and six months each because they were removed for faster Privitisations which threatened certain Bureaucrats privileges. Those Bureaucrats opposed to Capitalist restoration did not remove Gaidar when he lifed state controls on prices which quickly led to hyper-inflation during 1992 but when he directly tried to remove certain Bureaucratic elements which was the only profitable way the predomiance of the Law of Value could be re-established.
Yeltsin sacked Viktor Chernmodrin on March 23rd 1998 after being Prime Minister for five years which reflected pressures to go further towards restoring Capitalism. Before he became Prime Minister Chernmodrin was chair of Gasprom (state owned oil and gas organisation) which is why those Bureaucrats opposed to Capitalist restoration kept him in that posiion in order to put more state investments in thir industries/organisations. Yeltsin was feeling the pressure of Capitalist elements who were attempting to gain the maxinum concessions knowing support was necessary by them to stay as President with opponent Bureaucrats trying to remove him. The Yeltsinites achieved a Pyrrhic Victory by sucessfully forcing Kinyenko's appoinment as Prime Minister through the duma (lower house of the Russian parliament) with those Bureaucrats opposed to this may have engineered a financial crisis which forced Yeltsin to suspend payment of IMF loan debts. This financial crisis forced intermediate Bureaucratic layers to break from the IMF influence and for more state resources to keep their privilges within the Stalinist caste. Once major Bureaucrats become pauperised because of that financial crisis they turned quickly against Imperialist agencies such as the IMF and backed those Stalinists who wanted more state-centred investments and resources. It was only to enrich themselves through pillage that certain Bureuacrats accepted IMF loans. Imperialism knew this but tolerated it because they utilised every opportunity to advance Capialist restoration in Russia. This is why after Yeltsin had to surrendor power to Bureaucrats who wanted to mainain the workers' state did Imperialism menion Yeltsin's corruption in October 1999. After Kiryenko was dismissed as Prime Minister Chermondrin and then Primikaov replaced him.
After the three day bombing of Iraq in 1998 and especially after NATO bombed Serbia during 1999 the Russian Bureaucracy started organsing more against Imperialism. Those Russian Bureaucrats who felt threatend by Imperialism's growing aggression forced Yeltsin to make an alliance with the Chinese workers' state in October-November 1999; smashed the Dagstanti separtists who attacked Russia; and re-established Russian rule over Chechnya. Primakov was forced on Yeltsin due to rise of one Stalinist faction wanting more socio-ecoomic resources for them in the workers' state, which is the materal base for their privilges. Primakov was fired on 12th May 2010 and replaced by Sergei Stepashin. He was fired due to allowing CP ministers draw up impeachment charges against President Yeltsin. It is said after the Russian Army seized Pristina Airport in June 1999 Yeltsin was not in office but had lost real power. The Russian Bureaucracy made that move at that airport because they were promised by Imperialist representives during secret negotitations at Dachas just outside Moscow they would have a say in Kosovo's future. Imperialism double crossed them by attempted exclusion. This process of Yeltsin losing power may have began with the August 1998 financial crisis. Putin replaced Stepashin on August 12th 1999 as Prime Minister becuase the Russian Bureaucracy felt that Stepashin was not fighting the Dagastani separtists sufficently. Putin moved to crush the Dagastani seperatists and re-establish Russian Bureaucratic control of Chechnya. The miltiary-industrial complex carried out a coup by forcing Yeltsin out as President on the last day of the second Millennium. It was timed to catch Imperialism by surprise. In the last few months it has been revealed that Yeltsin was under house arrest only allowed to leave there with the Kremlin's permission after he left as President on December 31st 1999 to he died during 2007. This is proof of the political coup with Putin becoming acting President after Yeltsin relinquished office.
There is undoubtedly national oppression by Russian Stalinism against the Chechnyan masses which Trotskyists oppose as part of our programme and strategy of Political Revolution. At the same time you cannot throw the baby out with the bathwater with defence of Russia as a workers' state. When the extreme Bureaucratic pillagers of Chcchyna's Bureaucracy and Islamic Fundamentalists deepened that society's crisis with increased ruins on all levels. From 1996 to the second Chechyan war which broke out in 1999 most of the finances allocated for schools; hospitals; and pensions came from Russia. This saved the Chechnyan Bureaucratic pillagers considerable sums of money. Since Russia has re-estabilshed their rule the physical ruins of buildings have been demolished with modern construction buildings and revival of their ecnonomy. This socio-economic development despite Stalinism strenghen forces which will eventually lead to their overthrow by Trotskyists leading a Political Revolution. Yeltsin lost the first Chechnyan war because of the Bureaucratic pillage which caused considerable poverty and unemployment. Even though he pledged to stop the dismemberment of Russia with launching that war during 1994 within Chechnya they did not trust him not to utilise it to undercut some of the Bureaucrats privliges by central government cutting spending and possibly deepening Capialist inroads. The Russian Bureaucrats partly launched the 1994 war in Chechyna because they were terrified of Tatarstan suceeding from Russia.
Putin moved quickly internationally to re-launch Russia as a major power by linking up with North Korea; India; and Latin America. Within monhs of gaining office he was driving powerful individial Capitalists out of Russia. Those sections of the Russian Bureauracy anxious about Imperialist encirclment felt betrayed by Putin allowing NATO especially American Imperialist bases in Central Asia after September 11th Individual Terrorist attacks on America. If it was not for the rapid decline of American Imperialism accelerated by their mistaken war on Iraq since 2003 the Russian Bureuacracy may have kicked him out as President due to him being unreliable in defending their interests. Russia's miltiary defeat of concillatonist elements within Georgia's Bureaucracy to Imperialism strenghened the confidence that Imperialism can be beat. This inspired some of the super-exploited by Imperialism to look for Rusia to back them up
The Russian Bureaucracy expropriated a Capitalist (Mikhail Khordorkavsky) who was the richest Russian and 16th most richest globally because he tried to own Sibneft, which had big reserves of oil, with Khordorkavsky offering massive stakes for Imperialist firms ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco. He was also trying to overthrow the Bureuacracy through organsing Bourgeois parties. Under Putin there were some social reforms such as more money going on nationalised services and public services (health; educaion; and welfare). At the same time he tried to reduce social security by monetising all social securiy subsudies which led to huge workers protests between 2005 and 2006. This rise in Bureaucratic pillage with economic growth falling has weakend Medvedov with the workers beginning to srike and elect Stalinist (CPRF) in local; regional; and national elections. There is a rise in world revolutions with upheavals in Thailand and Kyrgystan could deepen forces fighing for Political Revoluion in Russia.
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